Turkish anti-government protesters are weighing their options as they are determined to stay on the streets of Groundwell, a major opposition leader’s call at weekly rally, a growing economic boycott and fired student demonstrator.
Özgürözel, leader of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), has expanded the boycott of goods and services from companies that are perceived as close to the president’s Receptacle Tayip Erdogan during the support of prison mayor Eklem Imamoluru.
Speaking to hundreds of thousands of opposition supporters who buried Istanbul’s parks over the weekend, Özel aimed to connect with Do, a Turkish conglomerate who owns the government’s NTV channels, with Erdogan. “The Douche Group will be buried underground because they are afraid of this gathering,” Özel told the crowd.
The Doğuş group oversees a vast portfolio of Turkish construction companies, Provanetment Media, energy companies, real estate and Volkswagen distributors. It serves as the parent company of over 200 restaurants, including Soho House Istanbul and popular entertainment spots.
The star of the restaurant portfolio is a chain owned by Turkish chef and restaurant Nuslett Göcke, known as Salt Bey. Salt Beh has established itself as an internet meme about smearing salt into the steak charging business at London Outpost.
“We don’t buy products from people who promote on NTV. We don’t watch NTV. We don’t go through the doors of NUSR-ET,” said Özel, who named the brand named Steakhouses in Gökçe.
The CHP leader also called on Turkish companies not to promote the limited government media channels that aired the news of the protest. This is closely supported by the portrayal of Erdogan’s demonstrations, often as “movements of violence.”
Imamor’s detention sparked Turkey’s biggest anti-government protest over the years, with people gathering every night around Istanbul City Hall and frequently clashing with the police. But the burgeoning protests are at a crossroads as opposition parties demand that nightly demonstrations be over.
The CHP is seeking to shepherd a nationwide protest that has grown rapidly to include demands well beyond Imamol’s freedom, with protesters calling for the end of the Democratic backdoor that occurred under Erdogan’s rule and the release of former Kurdish presidential candidate Seidatin DeMirthaa.
While the CHP is taking the lead in search of the first demonstration, the protests include other political parties, students and other groups with their own agenda and concerns. These include a call for a long cost of a year of living crisis, an increase in judicial independence and a halt of freedom for hundreds of student protest leaders who have been detained in the past 10 days.
Small pockets of protest have continued throughout Istanbul after Ezel stopped at city hall demonstrations, with crowds gathering primarily at opposition bases, primarily to protest against the government. Protesters also gathered outside the headquarters of Rtük, a Turkish broadcast watchdog in Ankara, and were furious at the ban on live broadcasts that were handed over to channels tailored to opposition parties.
These protests were often swarmed by police, detaining more than 1,900 people in the 12 days since Imamolu was seized in the dawn attacks where corruption was accused of. Opposition parties have argued that prisons in Istanbul are filled with protesters, many being taken to facilities outside Turkey’s largest city.
Some organizers believe security forces target student leaders for arrests and to curb street protests. According to rights groups, education union members and other members for textile workers are subject to house arrest.
As the protests enter the second week and the CHP holds a rally in Istanbul, the government has declared an extended public holiday for the Islamic Festival in Eid al-Fitr.
Taliya Aydon, a 28-year-old protester, said the government “miscalculated” the break, hoping that urban students would leave on holidays, thinking that the break would be colder than the surge in protest across university campuses.
“They are so disconnected from the public that they don’t know how expensive they made bus and train tickets to get home for these students,” she said. “And more, students don’t want to leave to give birth to these streets.”
She added that the students never knew Erdogan or any leaders other than his justice and development party.
“Of course, it’s about change, but also about austerity measures they’ve been forced to accept,” she said.
CHP directed supporters towards a growth list of products and services to boycotts, including Turkey’s most popular chocolate brand, Home Appliance Company and mall chain Coffee Chain Espresso Love.
The boycott attracted members of the Turkish city middle class to the anti-government movement. Selkan, a Pilates teacher who refused to give him his full name, said that despite his enthusiasm for Americans, he made a regular trip to Espresso Love with his son.
“I love it, but it’s on my boycott list now, so I’m not going,” he said. “Normally, I’m full of students who pass, but now it’s empty.”
The outcome is nothing more than a culture war. Government supporters have taken photos of them lined up on branches of espresso love. The website listing company included in the boycott call was blocked shortly after the regulator was launched.
Erdogan denounced the protests trying to weaken the Turkish economy and made his complaints about the boycott. “We don’t give credibility to traders, bankrupt industrialists and reckless politicians who try to disrupt sabotage entrepreneurs with irresponsible boycott calls,” he said.
Aidun, a member of the Turkish Workers’ Party, said he saw the boycott as the first step into a general strike amid increasing participation from the union and Turkish labor movement.
“The unions are in discussion and developments are happening as we say. So when people aren’t working next week due to extended holidays, things will go to the snowman,” she said.
“I think the boycott has worked. I’ve seen these absurd scenes where the riot police protect the branches of espresso love.”
She added that the waves of arrests had done little to quell people’s fears of demonstrating. “It’s not a deterrent, there’s no atmosphere of fear,” Aydın said. “Instead, people say, “We’ve already given 2,000 young people to these arrests. We won’t turn back now.”
