No matter how crazy American politics gets, 2024 was quite a year. And that’s before you add in the wild Baltimore mayoral primary and the most expensive U.S. Senate political race in Maryland history.
Just remember some of the things that happened here.
Someone tried to assassinate the next president twice.
Two Baltimore County businessmen lost a city election after throwing wads of cash.
Cabinet candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s endless encounters with dead animals have come to light.
However, there were some unforgettable stories. Here are six stories The Banner’s political team can’t stop thinking about.
Don’t do what Hogan says, do what Hogan says.
Former Maryland Governor Larry Hogan had a sweeping message to voters during his Senate campaign. “We can trust the Republican Party to be an independent voice and work across party lines.” He even ran ads featuring people who voted Democrat for president but chose Hogan for Senate.
But Hogan left his presidential candidacy blank, a decision his opponent, Democratic Prince George’s County Executive Angela Alsobrooks, argued should have disqualified him from holding the office. .
Hogan said he would never vote for anyone he didn’t believe in, including major presidential candidates.
Hogan ran as someone who was by no means a Trumper, but sticking to his principles also meant giving up his share of the American franchise.
“I think a lot of people respect that decision,” he said outside a polling place on Election Day.
But in a televised debate, Allbrooks said the senator’s job would require “tough votes,” and said the senator’s job would require a “tough vote,” given that Hogan did not vote for Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris. criticized the claim.
“This is the most bipartisan work you can do,” she said.
This is the third time Hogan has rejected Trump as his party’s nominee. In 2016, he wrote in the name of his father, Larry Hogan Sr., a former congressman and Prince George’s County executive. And in 2020, Hogan wrote a vote for the late President Ronald Reagan.
Hogan lost to Alsobrooks in November.
— Brenda Wintrode
Till won’t disappear
Whether it’s holding a press conference for grieving families whose loved ones have been victims of tragedy, capitalizing on residents’ anger at overbearing public works projects, or jumping into the harbor to emphasize their environmental commitments. , Thiru Vignaraja knows what makes good television.
In fact, if there’s one thread that ties together seemingly all the attention-grabbing issues in Baltimore, it’s Vignarajah.
In classic Vignaraja fashion, he made headlines last spring not for the content of his mayoral campaign, but for the way he ran it. In May, at the height of the campaign, Mr. Vignarajah withdrew and endorsed former Mayor Sheila Dixon, Mayor Brandon Scott’s chief challenger. The Baltimore Banner reported that Vignaraja won support for Scott in exchange for becoming police chief or school CEO. That’s a hell of a payoff, considering Vignaraja has never been a police officer or worked in education.
Complicating matters is that Vignaraja relies heavily on Baltimore’s new public financing system. His withdrawal made some city council members question whether he would repay the money, which he did.
This is not the end of Vignaraja’s year as a politician.
He resurfaced in September to join a small group of supporters in legally challenging a ballot question to redevelop the Inner Harbor.
Mr. Vignarja was shrewd enough to successfully take the case to a Republican-appointed judge in Anne Arundel County, and at first it appeared as if his big victory had finally arrived.
By the time the case reached the Supreme Court, the situation had accelerated further. Mr. Vignaraja was humiliated at a formal conference by the city attorney (a sophist who engages in “bizarre intellectual party tricks”), after which the court ruled against him in yet another high-profile defeat.
But if we’ve learned anything, it’s that Vignaraja is coming back.
— Lee O. Sanderlin
bronze star backfire
Even if you don’t know much about Gov. Wes Moore, you can think that he might be going to different places, that he might have “needs,” so to speak.
The charismatic first-term governor is a strong fundraiser for the national Democratic Party and has become an effective foot soldier in the 2024 race, replacing Joe Biden and then Harris.
But in August, the New York Times revealed what appeared to be a major stain. Moore claimed in his 2006 White House application that he had earned the Bronze Star, which he had never been awarded. Moore’s camp circled the wagons, putting reporters in touch with former superiors and trying to explain what had happened. Tweet about whether Moore inaccurately claimed his Bronze Star win had been smoldering since the 2022 gubernatorial race.
The political impact was mixed. Some veterans said Mr. Moore should not have claimed the award, many Democratic veterans defended Mr. Moore, and many members of the public did not have strong feelings either way. A military historian and veteran investigating the Stolen Valor claim said the military probably didn’t comply even though Moore was receiving the award.
And lo and behold, the military did it just before Christmas. A senior officer in Moore’s unit urged the Army to reconsider the application, and Moore was awarded the award on December 20.
But the story behind the story is also interesting. Someone tipped off the New York Times about the exact documents to request. The Bronze Star controversy was probably an unpleasant week for Moore, but the timing was good. Now he has earned the Bronze Star and no potential political liability stands between Moore and his future.
— John O’Connor
Costello’s swings and misses
While we expected competitive races to emerge this past election cycle, no one was prepared for how thin and downright exciting some of these local races turned out to be. I didn’t.
This is a reminder that even in deep blue Baltimore, every vote counts and it’s not over until the contest is over.
This year’s high-profile moment came about a week after Election Day, well after Mayor Brandon Scott’s decisive primary victory (and perhaps The Banner’s best-ever political photo). As volunteers counted the final mail-in ballots, Baltimore City Councilman Eric Costello, a political dynamo with high-ranking allies and keen fundraising acumen, saw his early narrow lead gradually disappear. I saw it go. A small group of Costello supporters watched everything slowly subside in shock from the West Baltimore Board of Elections warehouse, stunned to see him lose for the first time in his career.
Ultimately, Mr. Costello lost to challenger Zach Blanchard on social media, ending his two-term career as chairman of the city’s budget committee — and largely refusing to speak to reporters. This continued for a long time.
Mr. Costello, the only City Council member supported by Mr. Moore, may have had a reputation as a competent city official and guardian of government institutions. But perhaps he would have decided his own fate after throwing his weight behind Dixon. Costello has reportedly signed a deal to become city manager if he wins.
There were other signs that Costello’s heart wasn’t in it. According to public campaign finance reports, he was slow to spend the large sum of his campaign funds until about a month after the primary election.
And it wasn’t just Costello. District 12 incumbent Robert Stokes lost by nearly the same margin to labor organizer Jermaine Jones after two terms and decades of work behind the scenes in city politics. With the support of industry groups, labor groups and many private donors, Mr. Jones won an unexpected victory in a district typically unfavorable to newcomers.
— Harry Miller
Baltimore metaphor and political movement
There are about 3,000 miles of roads in Baltimore, but three blocks of North Avenue were almost always on Dixon’s mind and mouth this spring.
This area between Poplar Grove Street and Bloomingdale Road in West Baltimore was her stump when she worked to regain her mayoral seat, even if she never had the courage to visit the area. It became a standard speech.
“Young people hang out from early morning until late afternoon,” Dixon said at a news conference, lamenting that people were loitering outside the store, as she often did.
In an interview with the Baltimore Banner, Dixon said the area came to mind because he frequently passed through it on his way to his office or gym. She complained that the Baltimore Police Department did not write citations there and did not effectively clear the sidewalk.
But when local resident and activist Crystal Parker challenged Dixon to come do something, Dixon was forced to admit he had no desire to get out of the car.
“I know some former police officers who still carry them,” Dixon told the Banner, suggesting he would not visit the area without protection. “I was strongly considering going to these companies and asking them what was going on.
“I’m not saying they’re doing anything, but something is happening,” she added.
— Emily Opillo
A year of endless campaign advertising
In Maryland politics, this seems to have been a year of endless campaign spending, primarily on commercials.
The U.S. Senate general election between Mr. Alsobrooks and Mr. Hogan had a lot of negative ads, so the Democratic primary between Mr. Alsobrooks and David Trone had even more ads. You might be forgiven for forgetting.
Whenever I turned on the TV or logged on to social media, ads were unavoidable.
Tron was there, carrying a lectern in his trailer and pledging to use his voice for mental health and justice reform. Then there were Prince George’s elected officials, who were promoting Tron as someone who gets things done. (One version of the ad was edited to remove official remarks that implied Allbrooks needed “training wheels.”)
Trone, a member of Congress and the wealthy founder of Total Wine & More, poured $62 million of his own money into his campaign.
Later, during the general election, Hogan’s face appeared on a screen and a narrator reminded voters of his two terms as governor. Or maybe Hogan’s daughters said he could be trusted to protect women.
There were also attack ads by outside groups, primarily trying to benefit Hogan by blowing up Albrooks. One person claimed Mr Alsobrooks had “too much luggage” as a suitcase rained down behind his photo. Another painting portrayed Mr Alsobrooks as one of Prince George’s “corrupt” politicians who unfairly received property tax breaks. Several featured Alsobrooks’ tried-and-true style of unflattering black-and-white photography.
Attack ads primarily came from outside groups. The biggest spender was a super PAC called Maryland’s Future, which spent about $30 million on ads blasting Allbrooks in hopes of boosting Hogan.
Certainly, Ms. Alsobrooks is no slouch when it comes to fundraising and spending, with her campaign reportedly spending about $30 million. She was also the beneficiary of about $3.8 million worth of outside spending, according to campaign finance tracking website OpenSecret.
However, the total amount spent on the race exceeded $160 million, and more money was spent on Albrooks than on her.
Nevertheless, the race was not close. Mr. Albrooks defeated Mr. Tron by about 10 points and Mr. Hogan by about 12 points. She will be sworn into the U.S. Senate on January 3.
So while money is important in elections, and without money it is impossible to get your message across to voters, this election shows that spending a lot of money does not guarantee victory.
— Pamela Wood
