A far-right party is on the verge of winning the most votes in German state elections for the first time since the Nazis.
For some in Germany, the rise of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) is a literal nightmare.
But others, particularly in the east, say the AfD represents an opportunity for change.
German politics has been tense all year, and Sunday’s vote in Thuringia and Saxony could reach a boiling point.
“Liar!” a small crowd in Thuringia shouted as Chancellor Olaf Scholz spoke in the city of Jena this week.
Chants of “Volksverräter” also broke out into the applause – a term that means “traitor to the people” and is seen by many as evocative of the Nazis.
Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s Social Democrats, along with their coalition partners the Greens and Freedom Party, are struggling so much in Thuringia that they may not even win a single seat in the state parliament, while the AfD is leading the opinion polls.
In neighbouring Saxony, the AfD is fighting a neck-and-neck battle with the conservative CDU.
A knife attack last week in which a suspected Syrian asylum seeker and Islamist militant killed three people has sparked fierce criticism of successive governments’ handling of the migration crisis.
In a hasty (some might say panicked) response, ministers announced toughening of asylum and knife crime laws.
But it is unlikely to overturn the broader discontent that, for many AfD supporters, is not based solely on anger at “massive” immigration.
They also say they want to fight overzealous environmental policies, state interference, and reckless military support for Ukraine.
In the East, all this is linked to disappointment and discontent that has been brewing for years, even decades, about the outcome of German reunification.
“You can always tell where the East ends and the West begins,” says Konstantin, 16, as he rides into the town of Meiningen on his East German-made Simson S50 moped.
“East and West are certainly connected now. Germany is one. But we think the differences are big.”
The car mechanic-in-training’s comments are ones that echo through the streets of the towns, cities and villages that once made up Communist East Germany.
The feeling of being looked down upon is linked to resentment over the Western world’s stronger industrial base, higher wages and historic pension disparities.
“We are being forgotten,” said Konstantin, who, like many young people, is a strong supporter of the AfD, according to opinion polls.
He, like all AfD supporters I have spoken to, denies the allegations of extremism that increasingly dog the party.
A BBC investigation earlier this year found apparent links between political party figures and networks deemed extremist by government authorities.
In Thuringia, the party is officially classified as right-wing extremist, and the state’s highly controversial leader, Björn Höcke, was recently fined for using a Nazi slogan – something he denies he did intentionally.
But the party’s supporters often say they believe both domestic intelligence agencies and mainstream media are actively trying to smear its movement.
Some may judge this as disingenuous or a false defense, but there is deep-seated distrust of the state among East German communities who once endured the activities of the Stasi, East Germany’s hated secret police during communist times.
“People here have already seen what happens when the government interferes too much,” said Vivienne Rotstedt, 31, a lawyer and AfD candidate in Thuringia.
Restrictions during the coronavirus pandemic and the perception that people are being forced to conform to “politically correct” views appear to have increased public distrust.
“East Germans know very well what it’s like to not be able to express your opinion,” she told me, taking shelter under an election umbrella in Meiningen’s 30-degree heat.
Meanwhile, another rebel party, the Zahra Wagenknecht Union (BSW), has jumped to third place in the state’s polls.
A former Communist Party member and long one of East Germany’s most prominent politicians, Wagenknecht managed to blend cultural conservatism with economically leftist policies.
But the AfD looks most likely to win the majority of votes there, and is also expected to perform well in Saxony and in another eastern state, Brandenburg, due to vote later this month.
Such an outcome would send shock waves through Germany, but it would not mean the AfD would take power, as other parties would likely band together as part of a “firewall” against the far right.
However, for embattled Chancellor Olaf Scholz and his bickering coalition government, this represents a problem.
“Three-party coalition governments are new in Germany, but when there is a lot of infighting it hurts a lot,” said Social Democrat activist Levi Schregtendahl.
He runs a food stall in Jena and recalls how different things looked when Olaf Scholz became chancellor three years ago.
“Back in 2021, people said we needed someone like (former Chancellor Angela) Merkel, and that was him,” Levy said, recalling the desire for a level-headed, anti-populist candidate.
“Now, with the coronavirus and the Ukraine crisis, times have changed and he seems out of date.”
The outcome of this election is not only important for the people of Thuringia, Saxony and Brandenburg.
With a year to go until the federal election and few predicting that the traffic light coalition experiment will or will be repeated, they will be assessed as a litmus test of public opinion.
The CDU, under the leadership of Friedrich Merz, is the most likely candidate to take the chancellorship, but he has taken a more right-wing stance at a time when established parties are desperate to reverse the rise of the AfD.